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[In This Economy] Marcos’ unconstitutional budgets: Who will answer for them?

The big question is: Will Congress and the Marcos administration account for the affected funds and change how they prepare the next budget?

Context & Analysis

The Philippine Constitution prescribes a specific pathway for how public money moves from legislative approval to actual spending. The General Appropriations Act must originate in the House of Representatives, be approved by both chambers, and be signed by the President. Beyond that formal process, the Constitution imposes substantive limits on what can be included in the budget and how funds may be executed once appropriated. When those limits are violated — whether through insertions, earmarks, or execution mechanisms that bypass legislative intent — the resulting spending becomes constitutionally vulnerable.

For business owners and investors, this is not merely a legal curiosity. The national budget is the single largest driver of domestic demand in the Philippine economy. Infrastructure spending, social programs, and government procurement ripple through construction firms, logistics operators, retail supply chains, and the services sector. When a portion of the budget is later found unconstitutional, it creates uncertainty about whether projects will continue, whether contractors will be paid, and whether the fiscal trajectory announced at the start of the year will hold. That uncertainty carries real costs: it delays private investment decisions, complicates credit assessments for government-linked borrowers, and erodes the credibility of fiscal planning more broadly.

The deeper issue is institutional. The Philippines has a long history of budget controversies that stretch across administrations — from the pork barrel system struck down by the Supreme Court in 2013 to various "budget insertion" scandals that have periodically rocked Congress. Each episode tests whether the system of checks and balances actually functions or whether budget irregularities are simply absorbed as a cost of doing business in Philippine politics. The accountability question raised in this case is therefore not just about recovering funds but about whether the norms governing fiscal discipline are enforceable at all.

What to watch next is twofold. First, whether the executive and legislative branches propose concrete reforms to the budget preparation process — such as greater transparency in insertions, clearer rules on fund realignment, or independent review mechanisms before the GAA takes effect. Second, whether any administrative or criminal accountability follows, because without consequences, the precedent set is that constitutional violations carry minimal personal or institutional cost. For the business community, the absence of meaningful reform would signal that fiscal unpredictability remains a structural feature of operating in the Philippines, not a bug that will be corrected.

Analysis by IJE Software — original commentary on the story above.

This is an excerpt. Read the full article at the original source:

Source: rappler.com

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